This resolution calls on the U.S. government to cease all arms transfers to Saudi Arabia until Saudi Arabia takes specified actions, including demonstrating true accountability for the murder of Jamal Khashoggi and ending military operations in Yemen. Further, it calls for (1) sanctions against Saudi government officials and certain other individuals, and (2) a cease to nuclear cooperation with Saudi Arabia until Saudi Arabia guarantees that its nuclear program is for civilian purposes only and that the enrichment of uranium or reprocessing of spent nuclear fuel within Saudi territory is prohibited.
[Congressional Bills 117th Congress]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office]
[H. Res. 175 Introduced in House (IH)]
<DOC>
117th CONGRESS
1st Session
H. RES. 175
Expressing the sense of the House of Representatives regarding United
States arms transfers to Saudi Arabia.
_______________________________________________________________________
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
February 26, 2021
Mr. Trone (for himself and Mr. Connolly) submitted the following
resolution; which was referred to the Committee on Foreign Affairs, and
in addition to the Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence, for a
period to be subsequently determined by the Speaker, in each case for
consideration of such provisions as fall within the jurisdiction of the
committee concerned
_______________________________________________________________________
RESOLUTION
Expressing the sense of the House of Representatives regarding United
States arms transfers to Saudi Arabia.
Whereas the United States and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia have traditionally had
a close partnership based on mutual interests, information sharing,
economic development, educational exchange, and other cooperation;
Whereas, on October 2, 2018, Saudi Government officials murdered and dismembered
the body of United States resident and Washington Post columnist Jamal
Khashoggi when he visited the Saudi Consulate in Istanbul, Turkey;
Whereas Khashoggi, himself a former Saudi official, had peacefully voiced
criticism of recent decisions made by the Saudi Government, in
particular those of Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman;
Whereas credible news media outlets have reported that the Central Intelligence
Agency and other elements of the United States intelligence community
have concluded that Mohammed bin Salman is responsible for ordering
Khashoggi's assassination;
Whereas, in June 2019, United Nations Special Rapporteur on Extrajudicial,
Summary or Arbitrary Killings, Agnes Callamard, issued a report
concluding that Mr. Khashoggi's murder ``constituted an extrajudicial
killing for which the State of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia is
responsible'' and ``determined that there is credible evidence,
warranting further investigation of high-level Saudi Officials'
individual liability, including the Crown Prince's'';
Whereas Saudi Arabia has convicted eight unidentified individuals in the
Khashoggi murder, five of whom were originally sentenced to death but
whose sentences were commuted, and none of whom are Mohammed bin Salman
or any other senior official, for their involvement in the murder;
Whereas section 1277 and section 5714 of the National Defense Authorization Act
for Fiscal Year 2020 (Public Law 116-92) required the Director of
National Intelligence to submit an unclassified report to Congress
within 30 days identifying those complicit in or responsible for the
death of Jamal Khashoggi, and as of January 2021 no such report has been
submitted;
Whereas, in January 2021, Director of National Intelligence Avril Haines
committed in testimony before the Senate Select Committee on
Intelligence to follow the law with regard to requirements of section
1277 and section 5714 of the National Defense Authorization Act for
Fiscal Year 2020 (Public Law 116-92);
Whereas other Saudi plots to allegedly assassinate or kidnap dissidents with an
extrajudicial ``Tiger Squad'' have reportedly been uncovered in Canada
and Norway, and Mohammed bin Salman's lawyers are seeking immunity for
the prince in a related case before the United States judiciary;
Whereas Saudi Arabia's efforts to spy on dissidents and other individuals
perceived as threats reportedly extends to the country's use of Twitter
employees as spies and the hacking of prominent private individuals'
cell phones in attempts to extort them;
Whereas a number of Saudi nationals alleged to have committed crimes in the
United States have escaped justice by absconding to Saudi Arabia,
reportedly with the help of the Saudi Government;
Whereas the Saudi Government had unjustly detained American citizens Bader al-
Ibrahim and Salah al-Haidar on political charges before conditionally
releasing them pending trial and convicted Walid Fitaihi for supposed
crimes such as illegally obtaining United States citizenship before
reducing his sentence and conditionally releasing him, subjected them to
torture and solitary confinement, and banned their families from leaving
the kingdom, including Fitaihi's wife and six children who are United
States citizens and Haidar's mother, Aziza al-Yousef, a United States
permanent resident and women's rights activist who was conditionally
released from unjust detention in 2019;
Whereas Saudi Arabia's Specialized Criminal Court, established in 2008, has been
used as a tool of repression to try, convict, and punish journalists,
human rights defenders, political activists, writers, religious clerics,
and women's rights activists under dubious antiterrorism and allegiance
laws;
Whereas activists Loujain al-Hathloul, Nassima al-Sada, Nouf Abdulaziz, Maya'a
al-Zahrani, and Samar Badawi were among those unjustly arrested in Saudi
Arabia in 2018 after advocating for women's right to drive and an end to
the male guardianship system, and some reportedly have been subjected to
harassment, assaults, and torture while in prison;
Whereas Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates have conducted more than
22,000 airstrikes since the start of the conflict in Yemen six years
ago, and that conflict has caused the deaths of over 233,000 people from
both direct hostilities and indirect causes such as hunger and lack of
health services;
Whereas the United Kingdom's House of Commons determined that its country's
Ministry of Defense had identified over 500 Saudi-led coalition
airstrikes that violated international humanitarian law, including by
targeting civilian sites and claiming civilian lives;
Whereas the risk posed by coalition airstrikes to Yemeni civilians will only
continue until there is a negotiated settlement to the conflict in
Yemen;
Whereas S.J.Res. 38, a joint resolution to block a proposed emergency sale of
defense articles to Saudi Arabia and other countries, passed both the
House and Senate with bipartisan support in the 116th Congress but was
vetoed by the President;
Whereas the nuclear agreement entered into pursuant to section 123 of the Atomic
Energy Act of 1954 (42 U.S.C. 2153) and signed between the United States
and the United Arab Emirates in 2009 provides a model for reasonable
safeguards on nuclear cooperation with a country in the region,
including termination if the United Arab Emirates ``engages in
activities within its territory relating to enrichment of uranium or
reprocessing of nuclear fuel'';
Whereas the United States and Saudi Arabia signed a memorandum of understanding
concerning peaceful nuclear cooperation in 2008, but since that time,
further negotiations have stalled, with no Section 123 Agreement having
been presented to Congress; and
Whereas, in May 2018, Secretary of State Mike Pompeo stated in testimony before
the Senate Foreign Relations Committee with regard to Saudi Arabia, that
``we want a gold-standard Section 123 Agreement from them, which would
not permit them to enrich'' uranium: Now, therefore, be it
Resolved, That the House of Representatives--
(1) calls on the United States Government to cease all arms
transfers to Saudi Arabia until Saudi Arabia--
(A) demonstrates true accountability for the murder
of Jamal Khashoggi, including through an independent,
international investigation into Saudi Arabia's
involvement that is judged credible by third parties
such as the United Nations Special Rapporteur on
extrajudicial, summary, or arbitrary executions, and
through remedies and reparations under international
law;
(B) ends its campaign of extraterritorial
surveillance and harassment of individuals;
(C) releases prisoners convicted of crimes under
the counterterrorism law for activities that constitute
political expression, including women's rights
advocates, journalists, government critics, and
religious minorities; and
(D) ends its military operations in Yemen;
(2) calls on the United States Government to release the
classified report produced by the Office of the Director of
National Intelligence as required by section 5714 and section
1277 of the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year
2020 (Public Law 116-92) and sanction those identified in the
report;
(3) calls on the United States Government to, until Saudi
Arabia signs a 123 Agreement that includes safeguards
guaranteeing its program is for civilian purposes only and
prohibits enrichment of uranium or reprocessing of spent
nuclear fuel within Saudi territory--
(A) rescind the seven Part 810 authorizations
granted by the Department of Energy with respect to
Saudi Arabia in 2017; and
(B) cease significant nuclear cooperation with
Saudi Arabia and refrain from any transfer of United
States-origin nuclear material;
(4) calls on the United States Government to use targeted
sanctions, including those contained in the Global Magnitsky
Accountability Act of 2016 and section 7031c of the Fiscal Year
2021 Consolidated Appropriations Act, against Saudi Government
officials for violations of human rights and corruption; and
(5) urges the Government of Saudi Arabia to prioritize the
protection of human rights for its citizens and residents in
order to fulfill its international obligations and reach the
kingdom's ambitious economic development goals.
<all>
Introduced in House
Introduced in House
Referred to the Committee on Foreign Affairs, and in addition to the Committee on Intelligence (Permanent Select), for a period to be subsequently determined by the Speaker, in each case for consideration of such provisions as fall within the jurisdiction of the committee concerned.
Referred to the Committee on Foreign Affairs, and in addition to the Committee on Intelligence (Permanent Select), for a period to be subsequently determined by the Speaker, in each case for consideration of such provisions as fall within the jurisdiction of the committee concerned.
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